Wednesday, March 2, 2011

Attacking American Vessels Is Bad Business for the Somali Pirate-Syndicates

By David F. Marley

A little less than two years ago—on Easter Sunday, April 12, 2009—the most infamous incident until that time involving Somali pirates ended joyfully for America when Captain Richard Phillips of the container-ship Maersk Alabama was rescued from captivity at the hands of four gun-toting Somali pirates. U.S. Navy SEAL sharpshooters concealed on the guided-missile destroyer Bainbridge had expertly killed three of his captors with a single well-aimed volley, allowing for the fourth to be arrested without resistance. Captain Phillips and the rest of the Mersk Alabama’s brave crew were then flown home to a euphoric reception, and eight days later the lone surviving gunman was paraded off a helicopter—past an array of waiting TV cameras—to be arraigned on 10 counts of piracy, punishable by death.

Since that time, interest in the thorny issue of piracy in the Gulf of Aden and Indian Ocean has faded out of the consciousness of America’s media and the public at large, to be supplanted by other more current stories and news-cycles from different corners of the world. Yet reports of ship hijackings continued almost weekly, with hundreds of foreign sailors being held hostage off the bleak, lawless, sun-baked stretch of shoreline in central Somalia. It is a documented fact that in the year immediately following that memorable Mersk Alabama triumph—seemingly a setback for the pirates—the number of their attempted assaults increased, not decreased, and they significantly widened their operational-range, netting almost 50 vessels and more than 1,000 new hostages in 2010 alone.

Their dogged determination in such a pursuit should come as no surprise, given their lack of any other source of income. The utter collapse of Somalia’s ineffectual federal government has seen that patchwork of a nation dissolve into an even more fragmented agglomeration of autonomous regions and tribal fiefdoms, with local leaders more responsive to ancient clan ties than to any central authority. Vulnerable and defenceless within this power vacuum, the dirt-poor fishing ports along central Somalia’s coastline were callously ignored while foreign fleets swept bare the meager fish stocks and international waste-disposal firms dumped tens of millions of tons of toxic materials into their waters. Seeing their scanty livelihoods disappearing, fishermen began attacking the intruders closest inshore, then broadened their forays farther out into the international shipping lanes, eventually assaulting passing merchantmen of every nationality.

Factions fighting the relentless civil wars raging elsewhere in that strife-torn country had already demonstrated how such prizes could be anchored with impunity in Somalia’s territorial waters, as ransoms for their release were extorted from overseas. Soon, this practice became an organized business, captive vessels lying within plain sight of shore for weeks or months on end with tacit collusion from unsalaried local officials. The crews of these captive vessels were supplied on credit by struggling town merchants. The eventual payment of any large sum would be claimed by the pirate syndicate, with shares divided amongst all interested parties. These payments represented a significant infusion of capital into such a downtrodden economy. Not even public proscriptions against piracy issued by dour Muslim clerics, offended by the worldly allure of such ill-gotten wealth, could curtail the growing frequency of pirate sorties.

Today, the underlying root causes behind this predatory business, identified and confirmed by foreign observers and multinational institutions alike, have not begun to be addressed directly, much less resolved. No civil inroads are being contemplated in central Somalia. No local cooperation is being sought from chieftains or elders. No breakthrough is remotely anticipated ashore, and so the unending stream of youthful gunmen will continue to put out to sea.

To circumvent the beefed-up surveillance, defensive countermeasures, and constant ocean patrols sustained in the main shipping lanes around the Horn of Africa by a rotating squadron of West European and international warships and planes, the pirate handlers have begun directing their gunboats farther and farther afield in quest of victims, usually by commandeering a hapless, nondescript vessel to serve as a “mother ship,” which permits them to roam undetected most everywhere on the immense expanse of the Indian Ocean.

It was just such a long-range foray that four Americans unfortunately blundered into, when they were surprised and boarded by a gang of 19 Somali pirates some 270 miles off Oman, while sailing their oceangoing yacht Quest toward the port of Salalah. Again, the U.S. Navy raced to the rescue, arriving in overwhelming force to cow the cornered pirates into heaving-to. Only this time, there was to be no happy ending.

Unlike the hijacking of an oil tanker or cargo ship, in which the pirates' prime bargaining chip is the ship itself, the crew members themselves become the trump card during the seizure of a private vessel. After FBI negotiators decided to seize the first two pirates who had ventured aboard USS Sterett, informing their colleagues on the yacht to send across more willing spokesmen, the crisis suddenly exploded into murder. The pirates slaughtered the four bound Americans, and were in turn either killed or captured.

In the immediate aftermath of these senseless killings, a pirate leader named Farah, speaking by telephone from Bayla in Somalia’s northern semiautonomous region of Puntland, issued the usual vows to avenge the deaths and capture of his comrades. But he then went on to tellingly lament the loss of “the money [he] invested,” even estimating its value at $110,000 in weapons, food, and salaries.

Perhaps the only good that might come out of this sad encounter might be the lesson that attacking American vessels will always be bad business for Somalia’s pirate syndicates, possibly discouraging or at least defusing any future clashes. Since the U.S. Navy always intervenes so rapidly and forcefully—even if hostages should tragically be slain—the pirates and their greedy financiers ashore will come away with… nothing.


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David F. Marley is a historian who has conducted extensive primary-source research in Latin America and Europe and currently resides in Canada. He is the author of the 1994 Pirates and Privateers of the Americas, Pirates of the Americas (ABC-CLIO, 2010) and Modern Piracy: A Reference Handbook (ABC-CLIO, 2010). 



This book offers true stories of bloodthirsty pirates and the courageous men trying to stop them during the Western Hemisphere's golden age of piracy in the 17th and 18th centuries.

 




This reference text explains what modern piracy is, where and why it happens, and what measures are being taken to combat it.

Tuesday, March 1, 2011

Organized Labor: Agincourt or Waterloo?

By Robert Weir

[The opinions expressed in the following essay are solely those of the author and do not represent ABC-CLIO.]

In 1415, King Henry V found himself trapped by French forces numbering more than 25,000. Against all odds, Henry’s band of around 8,500 routed superior French forces and inflicted a 10:1 casualty rate upon them. Turn the clock forward 400 years to 1815. Near Waterloo, Belgium, the Duke of Wellington defeated 69,000 troops commanded by Napoleon Bonaparte. Napoleon spent the last six years of his life exiled on a floating rock known as St. Helena.

Why the ancient history lesson? Jump ahead another 300 years and look at Wisconsin. The unfolding drama there may well determine whether organized labor is fighting its Agincourt or its Waterloo. If labor unions lose this one, they may well be as defunct as their ancient roots: the guild system of Henry V’s time.

Only a foolish optimist would deny that organized labor is reeling. Fewer than 12% of all American workers, and just 7% of those in the private sector, belong to unions. At present, any occupation that can be moved is practically unorganizable (and will remain so barring an unlikely Congressional vote to amend existing labor laws). The only glimmer of hope is among workers whose jobs can’t be moved: teachers, fire fighters, cops, civil servants, medical personnel, and service-industry workers. If Governor Scott Walker strips collective bargaining rights from these workers, there won’t be much left upon which organized labor can rebuild, and the only unions left with clout will be those in entertainment and professional sports.

Is Wisconsin broke? Yes. Is Governor Walker out of options? No. Budget cuts involve a choice of which cows will be led to the abattoir and Walker’s decision to place teachers and public employees in that herd is clearly an ideologically driven attempt to smash unions that didn’t support his election. Wisconsin’s projected budget deficit is $137 million; nearly double that could be raised if Governor Walker chose to slash 20% from the department of corrections. He won’t do that because police fraternities endorsed him.

It’s historical fact, not partisan rant, to associate the Republican Party with an aggressive anti-union position. Most historians trace the party’s pro-business shift to the 1896 election in which William McKinley ascended to the presidency by convincing the electorate that he’d save the nation from inflationary Free Silver advocates, socialist-leaning Populists, and labor radicals. Walker’s freedom of contract language is straight out of the open-shop movement of the 1920s, his desire to curtail union activism reminiscent of Republicans who advanced the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act, and his threat to fire workers evocative of President Ronald Reagan during the 1981 Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO) strike.

Unions rallied from setbacks in the past. McKinley’s pro-business polices inspired a surge in union membership in the early twentieth century. The open shop drive weakened with the coming of the Great Depression and the labor reforms of the New Deal; Taft-Hartley led the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organizations to bury their hatchets and merge in 1955. Labor even halted the expansion of Reagan-era right-to-work legislation.

But the United States is a very different place now. In the past, unions regrouped because America was still a powerful industrial nation with jobs that had to get done. In the current postindustrial and globalized economy the future of work itself is uncertain, not just organized labor’s role in the economy. Those who say that the AFL-CIO’s brand of business unionism is a relic of the industrial past may have a point.

Is there hope? It could depend on what happens in Wisconsin. Labor’s one bright spot over the past few decades has been among government employees, over 40% of whom are unionized. In the past, public employees have shown more defiance of than respect for political bullying. Teachers had no collective bargaining rights until 1960, when New York City educators ignored threats and labor laws to win a contract. Ten years later post office employees launched the first-ever nationwide strike of federal workers, also despite strike prohibitions. The American Federation of Government Employees has stared down several hostile White House administrations. But if Wisconsin causes public employee unions to go the way of blue-collar organizations, AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka can book passage to St. Helena. Another lesson from the past: Wisconsin state troopers should watch their backs before trusting Governor Walker. Just two major unions endorsed Ronald Reagan in 1980: the Teamsters and PATCO! As Mark Twain once observed, “Gratitude and treachery are merely the two extremities of the same procession.”

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ROBERT E. WEIR is a Lecturer at Commonwealth College, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, Visiting Lecturer at Smith College, co-editor of the acclaimed Historical Encyclopedia of Labor (Greenwood, 2004), and a freelance writer.

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Addition Reading


Robert E. Weir, ed., James P. Hanlan, ed.
Greenwood, 2004

This two-volume, A-Z resource covers the history of organized labor in all of its complexity, from the dawn of the industrial revolution to the post-industrial age.





Robert E. Weir, ed.

This A-Z encyclopedia, the first to focus on class in the United States, surveys the breadth of class strata throughout our history, cross-discipline, for high school students to the general public.





From the explorers of the Americas to the issues of today's headlines, the American History database investigates the people, events, and stories of our nation's evolution.